Os poetas elegíacos romanos estabelecem, em seus versos, uma forte relação entre o amor e a guerra. Os vocábulos usados para descrever os deuses do amor, Vênus e Cupido, ou o próprio ato amoroso, associam-se a vocábulos bélicos. Trava-se uma batalha entre os amantes ou entre o deus do Amor e aquele que foi ferido por sua flecha. Essa associação explica-se por questões míticas, as relações amorosas entre a deusa do amor e o deus da guerra, nas mitologias (...) grega e latina, e também por questões históricas, já que o nascimento da elegia, em Roma, acontece em um momento conturbado de guerras externas e internas. Exemplificaremos a relação entre amor e guerra com versos dos principais poetas que escreveram elegias amorosas, em Roma, Catulo, Tibulo, Propércio e Ovídio. (shrink)

O artigo apresenta uma reflexão sobre a guerra a partir de Carl Schmitt e Hannah Arendt. Para tanto, realiza-se um recorte na obra de cada autor. De Carl Schmitt, discute-se o livro O conceito do político (2009) que contém ainda A teoria do Partisan. De Hannah Arendt, restringe-se a Sobre a violência (2001), A promessa da política (2020), e alguns ensaios contidos em Entre o passado e o futuro (2009). Neste sentido, Carl Schmitt permite discutir o papel da inimizade (...) para a decisão acerca da guerra e como essa situação-limite, ao mesmo tempo, constitui e afeta a dimensão do político. Já Hannah Arendt permite delinear certos traços constitutivos das guerras modernas que escapam à preocupação central Schmittiana, sobretudo o perigo intrínseco da inimizade produzir não a intensificação do político, mas a eliminação da vida humana sobre à Terra. Trata-se, enfim, de pensar o efeito do avanço tecnológico no campo dos assuntos humanos e como essa tópica transforma o estatuto da guerra. (shrink)

O presente trabalho visa discutir a política exterior brasileira no imediato pós-Segunda Guerra Mundial sob a ótica do conceito de imposição do alinhamento. O fim do conflito trouxe consigo uma nova configuração das relações internacionais. O posicionamento brasileiro durante o período foi alvo de diversas análises que buscavam compreender a maneira como o presidente Eurico Gaspar Dutra conduziu a política externa do país. O momento de disputa por áreas de influência entre Estados Unidos da América e União Soviética poderia (...) lograr vantagens ao Brasil. Entretanto, a postura do governo brasileiro não permitiu que o país alcançasse seus objetivos do ponto de vista da política internacional já que seu alinhamento aos norte-americanos foi automático, diferentemente do que defende a imposição do alinhamento. O conceito sustenta que o atendimento das expectativas do governo dos EUA não era simplesmente sinônimo de subserviência aos interesses estadunidenses, mas uma condição a que o Brasil estava sujeito. (shrink)

The question of how we should engage with a philosopher’s racial thought is of particular importance when considering Kant, who can be viewed as particularly representative of Enlightenment philosophy. In this article I argue that we should take a stance of deep acknowledgment when considering Kant’s work both inside and outside the classroom. Taking a stance of deep acknowledgment should be understood as 1) taking Kant’s racial thought to be reflective of his moral character, 2) Kant being accountable for his (...) racial thought and 3) being willing to consider the possibility that Kant’s racial thought is consistent with and inextricable from his moral philosophy. Alternative forms of engaging with Kant’s racial work have either moral or pedagogical failings, which range from simply teaching the history of philosophy uncritically to outright deception. A stance of deep acknowledgement will allow philosophers to understand how Kant’s racial thought interacts with his moral philosophy and allow instructors to teach philosophy in a historically contextualized approach so as to not alienate students whose demographic was disparaged by Kant. (shrink)

Collective apologies on behalf of governments to historically mistreated minorities have become more common. It is unclear, however, how we should respond to these apologies and other practices that invoke collective responsibility for oppression (chapter 1). I review the current literature on collective responsibility to better understand the obstacles facing an account of collective responsibility for oppression (chapter 2). I then argue that we can make sense of these practices by holding powerful organized collectives (chapter 3) and privileged disorganized collectives (...) (chapter 4) responsible for oppression. These practices then can be what I call “morally legitimate” if they are confessions of self-blame, and this self-blame contains an element of collective-self protest (chapter 5). (shrink)

Ejes de la territorialidad patriarcal -- Fronteras y antifaces del signo mujer -- En el flujo heterogéneo de la liberación.

The denial of voting rights to certain types of persons continues to be a moral problem of practical significance. The disenfranchisement of persons with mental impairments, minors, noncitizen residents, nonresident citizens, and criminal offenders is a matter of controversy. This book makes a contribution to this largely neglected yet key topic.

This article compares the ‘enfranchisement lottery’, a novel method for allocating the right to vote, with universal suffrage. The comparison is conducted exclusively on the basis of the expected consequences of the two systems. Each scheme seems to have a relative advantage. On the one hand, the enfranchisement lottery would create a better informed electorate and thus improve the quality of electoral outcomes. On the other hand, universal suffrage is more likely to ensure that elections are seen to be fair, (...) which is important for political stability. This article concludes that, on balance, universal suffrage is prima facie superior to the enfranchisement lottery. Yet the analysis shows that the instrumental case for the ‘one person, one vote’ principle is less conclusive than democratic theorists usually suppose. (shrink)

Mientras Carole Pateman (1988) afirma que «para las feministas la democracia no ha existido jamás», Julieta Kirkwood (1986) sostiene que «no hay democracia sin feminismo». Ambas aluden a la deuda del ideal democrático con la emancipación de las mujeres, e incluso a la función estructural de la exclusión de las mujeres en la democracia liberal. A partir de los encuentros y desencuentros entre democracia y feminismo, el presente artículo pretende ofrecer una definición de la democracia feminista que vaya más allá (...) de la inclusión a través de la acción afirmativa, abordando las tensiones que esta genera en el debate feminista de las últimas décadas y los nuevos desafíos en torno a las políticas de redistribución y de reconocimiento. ¿Es posible superar la opresión y la dominación a partir de políticas centradas en el interés de grupo? ¿Cómo se define ese interés sin esencializar la diferencia? Responder a estas preguntas resulta clave para plantear un concepto eficaz de democracia feminista. (shrink)

This article advances three claims. The first is that the standard instrumentalist case for minimal age and sanity requirements for voting is weak and inconclusive in such a way that the evaluation of such requirements should be made exclusively on the basis of procedural fairness considerations. The second claim is that fairness requires the inclusion of all and only those persons who have the franchise capacity: the minimum necessary cognitive and moral powers to experience the benefits of enfranchisement. The third (...) and final claim is that current age and sanity prerequisites for voting in most places fail to comply with the demands of fairness and ought to be revised. (shrink)

¿Toda regla social es una convención aceptada por un acuerdo de voluntades? A esta pregunta, Ramón Ortega responde negativamente en su libro Compromiso mutuo y derecho: un enfoque convencionalista. Según el autor, el carácter normativo del derecho no estaría justificado por la "vaga, oscura y controvertida noción de aceptación" de Hart, sino por otra, más general: el compromiso mutuo, tomada de la metafísica social de Margaret Gilbert. Pero ¿cuál es la diferencia entre el hecho de que dos o más personas (...) acepten una convención y que exista entre ellas un compromiso mutuo? Pensemos en un famoso y sutil ejemplo tomado de la propia Gilbert: Ana y Miguel caminan uno cerca del otro al salir de un curso. (shrink)

This paper focuses on the description and analysis of three codices from Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid with the aim of redefining their origin, dating, authorship, and content. Connecting their production to the environment of the Sacromonte affair and identifying Pedro de Castro’s hand allows to expand what was known so far about his attempts to learn Arabic and delve into the most controversial aspects of the Lead Books. The grammatical and religious contents, in addition to the copious marginal notes linked (...) to the sources he used, provide valuable information on his selection of works. Grammatical materials such as al-Āŷurrūmiyya, of which different versions are preserved in these codices, were being published in Rome and Leiden and would be widely disseminated. The building up of his library, to which these codices must have belonged, runs in parallel to the construction of an orientalist knowledge in modern Europe. (shrink)

This article compares the ‘enfranchisement lottery’, a novel method for allocating the right to vote, with universal suffrage. The comparison is conducted exclusively on the basis of the expected consequences of the two systems. Each scheme seems to have a relative advantage. On the one hand, the enfranchisement lottery would create a better informed electorate and thus improve the quality of electoral outcomes. On the other hand, universal suffrage is more likely to ensure that elections are seen to be fair, (...) which is important for political stability. This article concludes that, on balance, universal suffrage is prima facie superior to the enfranchisement lottery. Yet the analysis shows that the instrumental case for the ‘one person, one vote’ principle is less conclusive than democratic theorists usually suppose. (shrink)

Schools in the United States have often been tasked with cultivating a political identity that is connected to the nation-state. In the civics classroom, this often means teaching a nation-state centered civic education, which can create a sense of disjuncture for some students. This year-long ethnographic study explores disenfranchised students living in the Virgin Islands’ political identities and interests and how their teachers responded to them. The findings suggest that students entered the classroom with developed and varied political interests and (...) identities that would not necessarily be recognized in a traditional nation-state centered civics class. Teachers responded by providing a culturally sustaining and humanizing civic education that honored their students’ diverse political and cultural identities and interests. (shrink)

Este artículo describe un estudio realizado con docentes de primaria y secundaria en varias comunidades españolas. El estudio se centra en la percepción del profesorado sobre el uso del Aprendizaje Basado en Juegos (ABJ) en el aula, tratando de averiguar en qué medidas los docentes implementan el uso de esta metodología en sus aulas. Un cuestionario fue creado ad hoc para este propósito y fue debidamente validado. Los resultados de este estudio muestran que la mayoría de los docentes son proclives (...) a la utilización del ABJ, y que lo perciben como algo positivo para el aprendizaje significativo del alumnado. (shrink)